Algeria remains a French colony through Morocco which replaced France in Algeria!

During the attacks in Algiers Zerhouni reportedly rented his villa to the CIA to agents who allegedly raped Algerian women and Mossad who allegedly committed serious bombings in Algiers.

The villa of Yazid Zerhouni, in Algiers-Beach, robbed
September 14, 2012
Blanket

The former interior minister and former deputy prime minister, Yazid Zerhouni, had the unpleasant surprise that "visitors" were invited to his villa in Algiers-Plage and did not hesitate to take away what was to be taken. Accusing the blow, Yazid Zerhouni was forced to do like everyone else by posing a barrier to windows that break a little of the attraction, especially as they have a view of the Big Blue.
If Yazid Zerhouni had remained in the government, what would have been the risk of robbing his house, it would have been impossible with the armada of bodyguards and police ensuring his safety and that of his property. Morality: everything has an end.

Zerhouni is a Moroccan agent of the mossad working for General Azoulaye he allegedly helped agents of Mossad and CIA to perpetrate attacks in Algeria and Algiers.

Two car bomb attacks, by far the deadliest of recent years in Algeria, have killed at least 62 people on Tuesday morning in the heights of the capital Algiers, in front of official buildings including UN premises. The car bomb left 67 people dead and dozens injured on Tuesday morning in Algiers. Among the victims of these explosions, by far the most deadly of recent years in Algeria, "several foreigners", according to hospital sources. The attacks took place in front of official buildings including UN premises, on the heights of Algiers.

Ten Algerian staff of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) were killed in one of the two attacks in front of the offices of these organizations in the residential and diplomatic neighborhood. of Hydra, said a senior UN official in Algiers. The other attack, perpetrated nearby, had dismantled a crowded student bus a short while ago, with many casualties on board.

No claim late morning
The attacks, which had not been claimed in the late morning, were perpetrated with "car bombs, including one with a kamikaze on board," Algerian Interior Minister Yazid Zerhouni told reporters. immediately moved to the scene.

The organization of these two simultaneous attacks is reminiscent of those of April 11, claimed by the Algerian Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC), which became the Branch of the Al-Qaeda network in the Islamic Maghreb (BAQMI): two car bombs had exploded, one aimed at the Government Palace, the other a commissariat of suburbs. At least 30 people were killed and more than 200 wounded.



Tuesday morning, the first explosion was caused by a car bomb thrown full force against a student bus that was heading to the Faculty of Law. The explosion, which has wreaked havoc among passengers, occurred in the Ben Aknoun neighborhood, in front of the premises of the Supreme Court, the highest court in Algeria, and its neighbor the Constitutional Court, a building new Moorish style recently inaugurated by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika. A police officer and two Republican guards on duty in front of these buildings were also killed, according to witnesses. The charred bus carcass, still smoking, was still there an hour after the bombing.

The second attack was carried out by a suicide bomber on a car bomb in front of the UNHCR and UNDP offices in the nearby but very secure Hydra neighborhood. Hydra is home to several ministries, including those of Energy and Finance, Chancelleries and Diplomatic Residences. Many foreigners and high dignitaries of the state also live in this upscale neighborhood.

The weekly meeting of the government council was canceled to allow officials to follow the events.

Two months of calm
These two attacks occur after two months of lull in October and November, a period marked by a spectacular decline of Islamist violence. Earlier, on 6 September, the BAQMI claimed responsibility for the particularly spectacular suicide bombing of the Algerian president's motorcade in Batna (east), which left 22 dead and more than 100 wounded. Same claim for another suicide attack on a Coast Guard barracks in Dellys (East) on September 8th (32 dead).


"We are not immune to attacks of this kind," Zerhouni told reporters Tuesday at the scene of the attacks, calling on Algerians to "persevere in vigilance, because it is easy to commit a bomb attack.


In October, the army chief of staff, General Salah Gaid, called for "more steadfastness against terrorist groups". Police had erected more roadblocks in major cities and expanded their network of informants in Islamist circles.

On Tuesday, French President Nicolas Sarkozy "strongly condemned" the two attacks in Algiers, which he described as "barbaric and heinous acts", saying he had expressed the "support" of France during a telephone interview with Mr. Bouteflika. European Commissioner for External Relations Benita Ferrero-Waldner denounced "heinous acts against civilians".

This attack came after the UN criticized the military dictatorship of Algiers to Paris for the disappearances and executions of civilians to fuel organ trafficking and accuse Islamists!

Moroccan-controlled military security of the Malg
While the valorous mujahideen fell on the field of honor in the Algerian maquis, the "Moroccans of the Malg" were forming and training with "the army of the borders".
Upon the proclamation of independence on July 5, 1962, the clan of Oujda foments his first coup d'état by violently removing the GPRA (Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria) based in Tunis and imposes an authentic Moroccan at the head of the 'State. Ahmed ben Mahjoub bin Embarek said Ben Bella is a marrakchi of father and mother. His official biography makes him born in Maghnia, but the cult of the lie of the Algerian power is such that it is allowed to doubt it. He has long hidden his moroccanity as a blemish before admitting it publicly. One of the most comical impostures of the Algerian rulers is to put to his credit. During the sands war of 1963 launched by Hassan II, he exclaimed: "Hagrouna el marrakchia! "
But during the short episode Ben Bella, who was deposed by the coup of 19 June 1965, and in the shadow of Boumediene who was defense minister, the Moroccans of Malg took all the orders of the Direction of the Military security by structuring it. The director of the SM, Kasdi Merbah, murdered in 1993, has been presented until today as a Kabyle born in Beni Yenni and having lived in Morocco. It's a state lie. His real name, Abdallah Khalef, is an authentic Moroccan whose family is from and still lives in Sidi Kacem. He studied in Fez where he knew his future companions of the Malg. He has led the SM since its inception in 1963 until 1979.

His deputy, Colonel Nourredine Zerhouni said Yazid is also an authentic Moroccan, as well as his brother Ferhat, also senior official at the SM. If there is one family that can not deny its Moroccan origin, it is the family Zerhouni whose name comes from Jebel Zerhoun attached to the city Moulay Idriss Zerhoun, located 25 km from Meknes, became holy city since it shelters the sanctuary of the founder of the dynasty Idrisside Idrîs Ier.
Despite the evidence of its origin, Nourredine Zerhouni continues to lie as he breathes. In a recent biographical article watered down and narcissistic about his career where he boasts of having enlisted in 1962 the second lieutenant of artillery Mohamed Mediene future general Toufik, he describes "a Tunisian childhood (he was born in 1937 in Tunis) and a Moroccan teenager (in the region of Fez) ". (2) The journalist of Moroccan origin as the name suggests, Cherif Ouazani, forgot that in a previous article laudateur, he had written ten years earlier with a certain Mohamed Sifaoui that "Zerhouni was born in 1938 in Morocco" . (3)
Zerhouni, Kasdi Merbah's right-hand man, had helped him structure the SM, led the Foreign Intelligence Directorate (DRE), managed the counterintelligence and created the Service Action commanded by the sinister Abdallah Benhamza. This torturer, who had made a confession to the press afterwards, was tasked with harshly repressing Communist and Berberist opponents. Kasdi Merbah, the Zerhouni brothers, Ali Tounsi and all Moroccans trained by Boussouf and structured in the SM have spread terror among the population. After the ouster of Merbah, Zerhouni took the helm of the SM from 1979 to 1982. As a result, he was appointed ambassador to Mexico City and Washington before retiring in 1989.
After Bouteflika's election in 1999, Zerhouni joined him as president with the ambition of becoming defense minister. Faced with the categorical refusal of the generals to have their former boss as chief, he granted himself the Ministry of the Interior. It is now ten years that he sows again terror throughout Algeria and in particular in Kabylia, a region he hates particularly. He is seconded by his compatriot the Moroccan Dahou Ould Kablia, born in 1933 in Tangier, who is currently Minister of Local Government. He is also the president of the Malg Alumni Association and has proved to be a lamentable denialist who has recently been able to deny Arab aid as a myth.
Zerhouni can also count on his childhood friend, Ali Tounsi, also from the Fez-Meknes region, whom he found installed at the head of the DGSN since 1995. Previously, Colonel Ali Tounsi was part of the leadership of the Moroccans of the SM as the head of the security of the army, before being struck off the staff for crime of homosexuality.
In order for the police officers to know nothing of their leader's past, the DGSN website does not mention anything about Ali Tounsi's biography.


The cult of secrecy that covers the past and present of the career of military leaders has not allowed journalists or historians to discover their true origins. They know everything about Algerians and Algerians do not know anything about them. Several generations of SM officers have been conducting empowerment investigations on the nation's cadres without realizing that their own leaders were not Algerians.
An example is General Salim Benabdallah dit Slim, "born in 1938 in the West". From the same generation as Zerhouni, he held strategic positions as Director of External Relations at DND from 1990 to 1996. This intelligence structure covers all military attachés assigned to Algerian embassies. In 1999, Bouteflika entrusted him with the direction of the protocol by wanting to make him the master of the security in the presidency by styling the direction of the security and the presidential protection (DSPP). The DRS prevented him from holding another "Moroccan of the Malg", General Hassan Bendjelti known as Abderrezak, whose "official lie" makes him believe that he is the only senior officer from the South, due to his pronounced tan.
We will end this picture by the most famous of Moroccans, the President of the Republic Abdelaziz Bouteflika, born in Oujda in 1937. Former Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1963 to 1979, he has always lied about his Moroccan origins. The official biography gave birth to him in Tlemcen, notably in the document distributed to the members of the United Nations, when he was elected president of the General Assembly in 1974. It is only recently that the imposture was unveiled on his birth and his life in Oujda where still lives a part of his family. The public lie continues to suggest that his father is from Tlemcen or Ain Temouchent.
The aura of the huge charismatic and popular head of state, Houari Boumediene, swept all this fauna of spies and diplomats into the ranks of hard working ants in his service and service to the country. His innate sense of balance of power and fierce nationalism has long masked the true origins of his security and diplomatic entourage master of the art of lies and deception. After his death in 1978 (by poisoning according to some revelations), the Moroccans of Malg had fluttered in the shadow of President Chadli Bendjedid, before occupying the spotlight since the election of Bouteflika in 1999.
The case of "forging magistrates"
The system of co-optation of appointments in Algeria has introduced many Moroccans into the strategic machinery of the state. One of the most famous is the current cabinet director of the presidency Moulay Mohamed Guendil El Meknessi, who would not have acquired Algerian nationality until 1972. Before being appointed to such high responsibilities by Bouteflika, he was for a long time the he is the linchpin of the Ministry of the Interior and has climbed all the ranks (chief of the daïra, wali, chief of cabinet, director, general secretary).
The "least liars" of these very high officials of Moroccan origin have their place of birth in Tlemcen. As Tlemcen is a "sister of Fez" whose relationship goes back several centuries, with "mixed marriages" between the two cities, the Moroccanness of the Tlemcéniens is a historical and geographical evidence that only the border border colonial could have scrambled virtually.


Two brave Algerians tried to lift part of the veil of this historic imposture imposed on the Algerian people: Benyoucef Mellouk and Abderrahmane Mahmoudi.
Mellouk is a kind of Algerian Don Quixote who revealed to his superiors the case of "forensic magistrates" in 1986. While he was head of the litigation department at the Ministry of Justice, he discovered anomalies in the past and the career of certain magistrates from Morocco and deduced that the diplomas and certificates of former mujahideen in their files were false. He still holds 132 files and a list of 328 names of impostors that no Algerian official wants to see. He was thrown twice in prison.
Abderrahmane Mahmoudi was the only brave journalist who listened to Mellouk and made the case public in 1992, a very bad year unfortunately. Mahmoudi was first thrown into jail at the same time as Mellouk, then placed under judicial control for several years. He was forced to close his newspaper, the weekly Libéré, after the attack of a "terrorist commando" that strafed three of his employees including his brother.
Mahmoudi died in February 2007 from a devastating cancer. As for Mellouk, he continues to live an unbearable psychological pressure preaching in the desert of the Algerian press and knocking on doors that never open, especially that of the presidency.
The double betrayal of Moroccan Malg
We now better understand the impotence and illegitimacy of Bouteflika, Zerhouni, Moroccan ministers and even "Moroccans of the Malg" face the omnipotence of the DRS apparatus. The importation of the Makhzenian reflexes and allegiance have built around the SM a system that has self-blocked. (4) Only a strong earthquake in a system flaw can unlock the false balance of power that vanishes. This loophole is now called General Toufik, who has disgraced and oppressed the whole army with all the vile exactions he has committed for eighteen years. Everyone is waiting for him to resign or to commit suicide after the revelation of the huge scandal of kidnapping and murdering the monks of Tibhirine, just like any soldier who has to assume the infamy of his actions alone.
Fifty years after independence, we can now measure the damage of the double betrayal of Moroccans of Malg with regard to their two countries. They erected a wall of incomprehension and camouflage between Algerians and Moroccans, two facets of the same people. So much so that there are some unfortunate Kabyles who still think they are alone in the world at the bottom of their wells and do not know that Morocco is populated by authentic Berbers. Instead of claiming an illusory "autonomy of Kabylia", they would be more inspired to visit their twin brothers in Morocco and to campaign for a "Union of the Maghreb Berber". The lie, imposture and keeping in ignorance of the Algerian people is a crime of high treason.

But the most serious betrayal committed by these Moroccans who govern in Algeria has been and continues to be against their own country. They first committed the double crime of the diasporas of 1975. The military and logistical support to the Polisario front provoked a massive exodus of Sahrawis to Tindouf. To date, nearly 160,000 Saharawis are scattered in six camps of canvas distant from each other several kilometers in the desert. Saharawis are born and grow up in these camps and are stupefied by the arid heat and propaganda of another age. It has been more than thirty years that it lasts without any hope of solution. And it is also more than thirty years that the Polisario is still led by the Marrakchi Mohamed Abdelaziz, considered by Moroccans as an impostor and a renegade.
The other crime was the violent deportation in 1975 of 40,000 Moroccan families (300,000 to 350,000 people) who lived in Algeria and were expropriated from their property. In reference to the Jewish Shoa, deported Moroccans call this crime the Chouha of 1975, which means great shame in the Moroccan dialect.
Finally, one of the high treasons of Moroccans in power in Algiers is the closure of the land border since August 1994, which they still refuse to open despite the insistent demands of their brothers in Morocco.
The son of General de Gaulle reported in his latest book My father de Gaulle, a heavy sense of confidence made by his father: "We have left 140 000 Harkis infiltrated the ranks of the NLA". Was it the nose and beard of the "genius" Boussouf and his "Moroccans of Malg"